Military Diplomacy and Sino-Indian Relations
China and India have often been credited with maintaining peace along their mutual border, despite sharp differences over it, and a history of war. The credit for this, at least on the Indian side, has gone to the political and diplomatic establishment. But, the crucial role of the military is often neglected. Beginning with the decision to maintain 'peace and tranquility' along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), the limited addition of military diplomacy over the last one and a half decades has transformed military ties between the two countries. The recent visit by the Indian Army Chief, General J. J. Singh, to China was aimed at consolidating these mutual gains, apart from exploring the new landscape for further military cooperation between the two countries.
Gen. Singh's visit took place when the bilateral relations have become muddled over China's refusal to grant visas to Indian officers hailing from Arunachal Pradesh, and its renewing claims to the state through all possible channels. This apart, the modernization plans of the Chinese Peoples' Liberation Army (PLA) has caused new concerns across the world, including India. The PLA plays a vital role in Chinese foreign policy decision-making, and has traditionally adopted an aggressive stance towards India. Against this background, Gen. SIngh had a real challenge on his hands, in engaging the Chinese military leadership.
From what has emerged from his confabulations, the visit has been fruitful. The two countries have decided to institutionalize an annual defence dialogue in accordance with the Memorandum of Understanding signed in 2006 between the two Defence Ministries. The two armies have also agreed to hold periodic joint military training exercises. Apparently, the PLA was keen on carrying out anti-terrorism exercises, a field of low-intensity warfare in which the Indian Army has gained considerable experience by dealing with militants and saboteurs in Jammu and Kashmir and the Northeast.
The Indian Army Chief's visit supplements the previous achievements of military diplomacy between the two countries. The LAC has turned into a zone of cultural and sport events between the forces deployed in the border areas. Of late, the two countries have also started celebrating each other's national day along the LAC. The camaraderie, despite occasional aberrations, is in total contrast to the hostile atmosphere along the Line of Control (LoC) with Pakistan.
Visits like these should not be measured in terms of formal gains. Not much is known about the PLA's modernization plans, its funding and budgetary process and its overall strategic objectives beyond Taiwan. As stakeholders in India's national security, the Indian defence forces have a right, indeed, a duty to gain new knowledge about the PLA's functioning, its combat preparedness and operational reach in the Asia-Pacific region. Gen. Singh's visit and the joint naval exercises with China in April, off the coast of Qingdao should be seen in this perspective.
While military diplomacy has paid rich dividends in improving ties with China, it would be premature to conclude that India has a 'tradition' of engaging other countries in military diplomacy. India's achievements pale in comparison to those of China, where the PLA has established military contacts with almost every country of any significance. The compulsions of economic development have led China to engage its neighbours to create a peaceful environment conducive to achieving its national goals. Barring a recent spate of engagements in its neighbourhood, apart from its traditional peacekeeping role, India's military diplomacy does not have much to show. Part of the reason could be that, unlike China, the civilian domination of India's foreign policy decision-making process is complete, with hardly any role available for the military establishment. This tradition needs to be balanced, if not reversed.
There are many reasons why India should invest in military diplomacy and accord it primacy, along with economic and political factors in foreign policy decision-making. As China rises militarily, India needs to avoid an open confrontation with the PLA. Hence, the emphasis should be on expanding confidence building measures (CBMs) so that several interactive platforms and communication channels with China are available. In the next 20-25 years, as India enters a crucial phase of economic growth, the defence forces will have a critical role to play in maintaining a peaceful strategic environment in our neighbourhood and ensuring unhindered economic growth.
War or no war, military diplomacy is here to stay, along with military modernization. Higher level exchanges provide an opportunity to learn from global developments in military technology, weaponry and emerging military doctrines. India needs to take cues from Chinese experience and raise its profile in terms of engagement with other militaries of the world.
Gen. Singh's visit took place when the bilateral relations have become muddled over China's refusal to grant visas to Indian officers hailing from Arunachal Pradesh, and its renewing claims to the state through all possible channels. This apart, the modernization plans of the Chinese Peoples' Liberation Army (PLA) has caused new concerns across the world, including India. The PLA plays a vital role in Chinese foreign policy decision-making, and has traditionally adopted an aggressive stance towards India. Against this background, Gen. SIngh had a real challenge on his hands, in engaging the Chinese military leadership.
From what has emerged from his confabulations, the visit has been fruitful. The two countries have decided to institutionalize an annual defence dialogue in accordance with the Memorandum of Understanding signed in 2006 between the two Defence Ministries. The two armies have also agreed to hold periodic joint military training exercises. Apparently, the PLA was keen on carrying out anti-terrorism exercises, a field of low-intensity warfare in which the Indian Army has gained considerable experience by dealing with militants and saboteurs in Jammu and Kashmir and the Northeast.
The Indian Army Chief's visit supplements the previous achievements of military diplomacy between the two countries. The LAC has turned into a zone of cultural and sport events between the forces deployed in the border areas. Of late, the two countries have also started celebrating each other's national day along the LAC. The camaraderie, despite occasional aberrations, is in total contrast to the hostile atmosphere along the Line of Control (LoC) with Pakistan.
Visits like these should not be measured in terms of formal gains. Not much is known about the PLA's modernization plans, its funding and budgetary process and its overall strategic objectives beyond Taiwan. As stakeholders in India's national security, the Indian defence forces have a right, indeed, a duty to gain new knowledge about the PLA's functioning, its combat preparedness and operational reach in the Asia-Pacific region. Gen. Singh's visit and the joint naval exercises with China in April, off the coast of Qingdao should be seen in this perspective.
While military diplomacy has paid rich dividends in improving ties with China, it would be premature to conclude that India has a 'tradition' of engaging other countries in military diplomacy. India's achievements pale in comparison to those of China, where the PLA has established military contacts with almost every country of any significance. The compulsions of economic development have led China to engage its neighbours to create a peaceful environment conducive to achieving its national goals. Barring a recent spate of engagements in its neighbourhood, apart from its traditional peacekeeping role, India's military diplomacy does not have much to show. Part of the reason could be that, unlike China, the civilian domination of India's foreign policy decision-making process is complete, with hardly any role available for the military establishment. This tradition needs to be balanced, if not reversed.
There are many reasons why India should invest in military diplomacy and accord it primacy, along with economic and political factors in foreign policy decision-making. As China rises militarily, India needs to avoid an open confrontation with the PLA. Hence, the emphasis should be on expanding confidence building measures (CBMs) so that several interactive platforms and communication channels with China are available. In the next 20-25 years, as India enters a crucial phase of economic growth, the defence forces will have a critical role to play in maintaining a peaceful strategic environment in our neighbourhood and ensuring unhindered economic growth.
War or no war, military diplomacy is here to stay, along with military modernization. Higher level exchanges provide an opportunity to learn from global developments in military technology, weaponry and emerging military doctrines. India needs to take cues from Chinese experience and raise its profile in terms of engagement with other militaries of the world.
